Business and Its Environment (Baron), Chapters 3–5 University

Business and Its Environment: Media, Private Politics, and Crisis Strategy

50 questions
100 min
Answer key

Exam info

Subject
Business and Its Environment (Baron), Chapters 3–5
Exam type
University
Questions
50
Duration
100 min
Answers
✓ With explanations

Questions (50)

  1. Q 1.

    An overseas supplier’s workers face dangerous ventilation, and an NGO reframes the incident as a human-rights problem. The issue has high societal significance but only moderate intrinsic audience interest. Which forecast best fits Baron’s media-coverage model?

    • A.

      Extensive but purely factual coverage, with little advocacy.

    • B.

      Moderate coverage emphasizing interpretation and advocacy.

    • C.

      Minimal factual coverage because the event occurred outside the domestic market.

    • D.

      Extensive advocacy coverage because human rights always produce high audience interest.

  2. Q 2.

    In the Alar campaign, NRDC first had Fenton Communications break the story on 60 Minutes and then launched the Mothers and Others initiative with Meryl Streep. Why was this sequencing effective?

    • A.

      It immediately converted the controversy into a government regulatory proceeding.

    • B.

      It used celebrity endorsement to establish that the scientific claims were true.

    • C.

      It created two separate news events, allowing the issue to regain attention after the first burst of coverage faded.

    • D.

      It replaced independent media coverage with paid advertising sponsored by producers.

  3. Q 3.

    A local video shows a bank applying undisclosed fees to neighborhood accounts. After online outlets and a television station repeat the footage, residents organize a cleanup day and pressure city officials. Which media mechanism best explains this outcome?

    • A.

      The coverage reduced the cost of collective action by making the problem common knowledge.

    • B.

      The coverage automatically changed the bank’s internal policies before residents responded.

    • C.

      The stations proved that the issue had high intrinsic audience interest, so the bank lost all control over coverage.

    • D.

      The bank paid the media to distribute the footage and encourage public pressure.

  4. Q 4.

    Repeated factory-safety stories make pollution control more prominent in public debate, while subsequent reports repeatedly ask candidates whether their plans protect workers. Which media effect is illustrated?

    • A.

      Priming first, followed by agenda setting, because candidates are more important than pollution.

    • B.

      Treatment first, followed by coverage, because advocacy determines how much reporting appears.

    • C.

      Audience interest first, followed by societal significance, because revenue determines public importance.

    • D.

      Agenda setting through greater issue salience, followed by priming through attention to candidates’ safety records.

  5. Q 5.

    A long, technical savings-and-loan crisis receives little television coverage despite major public consequences. Which explanation is most consistent with the chapter?

    • A.

      Journalists concluded that the issue had almost no societal significance.

    • B.

      The crisis lacked newsworthy visual and confrontational elements, and television struggled to dramatize abstract facts.

    • C.

      Banks successfully prevented all journalists from obtaining information.

    • D.

      The public showed no concern until television finally presented the issue.

  6. Q 6.

    Once a reporter is assigned to a complicated factory-labor story, the outlet’s marginal reporting cost falls and other news outlets become more likely to seek the same story. What should the firm provide?

    • A.

      No information because any disclosure risks being edited against the firm.

    • B.

      Only a personal friendship with the reporter, because expertise is less important than access.

    • C.

      Prompt, verifiable facts that lower the outlet’s information costs while establishing the firm’s credibility.

    • D.

      An exclusive embargo preventing competitors from learning that reporters are investigating.

  7. Q 7.

    An advertiser-supported television outlet rewards a dramatic exclusive that will attract viewers, while its professional standards require careful verification and public-service reporting. What is the central incentive conflict?

    • A.

      Audience and competition rewards for speed and controversy can conflict with accuracy and professional responsibility.

    • B.

      Professional standards reward delay and avoid making journalism competitive.

    • C.

      Advertiser revenue and journalistic ethics create identical incentives in every case.

    • D.

      Public-service reporting means the outlet no longer depends on audience size.

  8. Q 8.

    An editor treats broad pollution practices as a settled moral problem and campaigns against firms, but restores competing viewpoints when discussing the disputed economic costs of a climate policy. Which pattern is most consistent with selective treatment?

    • A.

      News organizations always suspend fairness whenever an environmental story has high audience interest.

    • B.

      Balance requires equal airtime even where experts broadly agree that a practice is harmful.

    • C.

      The pattern proves that societal significance alone determines whether a story receives coverage.

    • D.

      Advocacy is more likely on a consensus moral issue, while fairness returns when the underlying policy claims are genuinely disputed.

  9. Q 9.

    A survey finds that most respondents perceive a strong anti-business bias in television coverage of a complex regulatory debate. The station presents each side in brief sound bites. Which interpretation best follows the material?

    • A.

      The perceived bias proves that journalists deliberately selected facts to harm business.

    • B.

      Much of the perceived distortion may result from brevity and oversimplification rather than deliberate ideological hostility.

    • C.

      The complexity of the debate proves that no bias can exist in short television segments.

    • D.

      Online discussion eliminates the need to simplify because readers always process every issue comprehensively.

  10. Q 10.

    Only a food company knows the full scope of possible contamination, and a live television program will ask about it within hours. Which interview plan best builds credibility?

    • A.

      Develop personal friendship with the presenter before sharing any facts.

    • B.

      Refuse all questions until the company proves that every proposed allegation is false.

    • C.

      State verified facts truthfully, make the main point early, volunteer material information, and use one informed spokesperson.

    • D.

      Attack the reporter before appearing so that disputed aspects become the central story.

  11. Q 11.

    A television program publishes an inaccurate and materially incomplete story about a company’s product. Which response best reflects the chapter’s framework?

    • A.

      Release evidence-based corrections publicly, communicate with the editors, and reserve litigation for circumstances in which it can realistically succeed.

    • B.

      Give no comment because any response will necessarily amplify the inaccurate report.

    • C.

      Withdraw advertising and make no factual response, since economic pressure will restore accuracy.

    • D.

      Immediately sue for defamation because proving the story inaccurate automatically satisfies the public-figure standard.

  12. Q 12.

    Under the U.S. rule associated with NYT v. Sullivan, what must a public official generally prove to win a defamation case against a media outlet?

    • A.

      That the outlet intended to create hostility toward the official.

    • B.

      That the outlet published the statement without first consulting the official.

    • C.

      That the outlet made an inaccurate statement through ordinary carelessness.

    • D.

      That the outlet knew the statement was false or acted with reckless disregard for whether it was true.

  13. Q 13.

    After a false food-safety campaign fails in court, an industry trade group supports state statutes imposing additional liability on disparaging nutrition claims. What does this development primarily illustrate?

    • A.

      A legal mechanism designed to improve the scientific quality of nutrition research.

    • B.

      Political recourse that may chill speech even beyond claims the campaigner cannot substantiate.

    • C.

      A requirement that activists compensate firms whenever a campaign receives media coverage.

    • D.

      A successful effort to harmonize U.S. and British defamation law.

  14. Q 14.

    A multinational faces the same false public accusation in the United States and the United Kingdom. The accuser is a prominent public figure. Which comparison is most accurate?

    • A.

      The U.S. standard is more plaintiff-friendly, while British law gives the media stronger protection.

    • B.

      British law always requires proof of actual malice, just like the U.S. rule.

    • C.

      A U.S. public figure generally faces the actual-malice requirement, while the British claimant historically had a lower burden; truth remains a strong defense.

    • D.

      Truth cannot defend a claim in either country, so the legal systems are effectively identical.

  15. Q 15.

    GM responded to NBC’s rigged crash tests by releasing firefighters’ video, digital analysis, truck inspections, and tank evidence. Why was this stronger than silence, yet still not risk free?

    • A.

      It made GM the best available source of facts and corrected the record, but broad publicity still carried a potentially damaging any-news-is-bad-news effect.

    • B.

      It was weak because business firms should never release evidence outside a courtroom.

    • C.

      It was strong because independent evidence guarantees that every resulting news report will favor GM.

    • D.

      It was unnecessary because NBC’s apology automatically repaired GM’s reputation.

  16. Q 16.

    An NGO bypasses regulators and pressures a national home-improvement retailer to stop buying lumber from a deforestation-oriented supplier. How should this campaign be classified?

    • A.

      Public politics and a corporate campaign.

    • B.

      Private politics and a cooperative engagement.

    • C.

      Public politics and a market campaign.

    • D.

      Private politics and a market campaign.

  17. Q 17.

    An NGO reveals an untested chemical exposure, coordinates neighborhood groups, helps design a voluntary certification scheme, and publishes laboratory results. Which combination best describes its roles in private politics?

    • A.

      It only supplies information and raises audience interest.

    • B.

      It identifies an issue, organizes interests, changes institutions, and supplies information.

    • C.

      It organizes interests and creates institutions but makes no independent contribution of evidence.

    • D.

      It targets retailers and pressures them to discipline upstream manufacturers.

  18. Q 18.

    During the 1990s, activists increasingly targeted retailers and banks when the producers responsible for an issue lacked public brands. What strategic change does this represent?

    • A.

      A return from private pressure to conventional legislative lobbying.

    • B.

      A shift from direct corporate campaigns to cooperative certification.

    • C.

      The rise of market campaigns that pressured vulnerable links in the value chain.

    • D.

      The disappearance of corporate campaigns against highly visible consumer brands.

  19. Q 19.

    Why were animal-testing campaigns generally more successful against cosmetics companies than pharmaceutical companies?

    • A.

      Cosmetics firms generally had visible brands, low consumer switching costs, and many rivals whose behavior could be contrasted with the target.

    • B.

      Pharmaceutical products had low switching costs and unusually strong public attachment to individual manufacturers.

    • C.

      Cosmetics firms were more vulnerable because their production networks were unusually decentralized and invisible.

    • D.

      Pharmaceutical companies had no regulatory or product-safety responsibilities that activists could examine.

  20. Q 20.

    An apparel company uses subcontractors in several developing countries. Local groups communicate with foreign NGOs that document wage theft and unsafe factories. Which vulnerability factor is primarily illustrated?

    • A.

      Low switching costs among the company’s retail consumers.

    • B.

      Decentralization within the company’s product-design units.

    • C.

      The company’s unusually high resistance to changing its products.

    • D.

      A harmful multinational operating environment monitored by interest groups across borders.

  21. Q 21.

    Subsidiaries of a global energy company issue conflicting public statements, and local managers ignore pollution problems occurring elsewhere in the network. Which organizational characteristic increases vulnerability?

    • A.

      Strong centralization of brand and environmental policy.

    • B.

      Decentralization that prevents units from accounting for cross-unit external effects.

    • C.

      An unusually small number of products with high brand recognition.

    • D.

      Dependence on a highly regulated domestic market.

  22. Q 22.

    Which factor is NOT one of the four determinants of an activist campaign’s effectiveness identified in the chapter?

    • A.

      The social value created by the desired change.

    • B.

      How costly or tough the target is to change.

    • C.

      The target firm’s social-media follower count.

    • D.

      How far the target internalizes social responsibility.

  23. Q 23.

    RAN targets Citigroup rather than every timber company because Citi has invested heavily in its brand, courts student cardholders, and can pressure its project-finance clients. What target-selection logic is being used?

    • A.

      Selecting a brand-sensitive intermediary or soft target that can transmit pressure throughout the value chain.

    • B.

      Selecting only the single firm with the highest direct environmental output.

    • C.

      Selecting an obscure upstream producer that has no public-facing operations.

    • D.

      Selecting only an individual executive while avoiding all institutional targets.

  24. Q 24.

    After pressuring Home Depot, RAN helps volunteers inspect the retailer’s lumber and publishes evidence of questionable sourcing. Why is this stronger than obtaining a one-time supplier promise?

    • A.

      It makes Home Depot’s suppliers immune to future criticism.

    • B.

      It relies only on Home Depot’s internal report, eliminating the information asymmetry.

    • C.

      It guarantees that every inspected unit of lumber complies with the standard.

    • D.

      It creates continuing verification and public accountability for an agreement that otherwise depends mainly on promises.

  25. Q 25.

    Research on the Seattle WTO protests found that stocks fell for some environmentally labeled firms but not for firms labeled human-rights offenders, and many boycotts produced little immediate sales change. What conclusion is justified?

    • A.

      Boycotts always cause immediate, measurable sales declines.

    • B.

      Boycott effectiveness varies, and firms may fear reputational or employee effects even when direct sales remain stable.

    • C.

      Boycotts matter only when governments ban the targeted product.

    • D.

      Human-rights accusations are inherently stronger than environmental accusations because firms have little concern for social issues.

  26. Q 26.

    An NGO reports one supplier’s repeated safety failures. Many consumers who had received reassuring company messages now join a boycott because they trust the NGO’s warning more. Which causal logic best fits?

    • A.

      The trust gap eliminates the need for collective action because supporters already know what to do.

    • B.

      Firm reassurance outweighs NGO allegations whenever companies have more legal resources.

    • C.

      NGO coverage creates common knowledge, while a trust-gap asymmetry allows one negative message to offset several favorable firm messages.

    • D.

      Activists possess direct voting and purchasing power over every corporate target.

  27. Q 27.

    A manufacturer announces a sustainability standard entirely on its own and asks customers to regard it as equivalent to an NGO-backed certification. Why is external legitimacy still lacking?

    • A.

      External legitimacy depends on credible independent monitoring and public confidence, not merely a firm-designed promise.

    • B.

      Any rule announced by a company automatically has greater legitimacy than an NGO scheme.

    • C.

      An NGO role necessarily weakens the credibility of the underlying standard.

    • D.

      External legitimacy is available only when government regulation is compulsory.

  28. Q 28.

    How does the Forest Stewardship Council’s support from groups such as Greenpeace and the Rainforest Action Network differ from an industry-led scheme such as the Sustainable Forestry Initiative?

    • A.

      The FSC is less credible because environmental groups participate in its governance.

    • B.

      The FSC relies only on government inspectors, while the SFI relies entirely on consumer boycotts.

    • C.

      The SFI is more credible because industry insiders understand forestry better than NGOs.

    • D.

      The FSC combines NGO participation with credible governance, whereas an industry-led SFI may be dismissed as the fox guarding the henhouse.

  29. Q 29.

    Radical activists threaten to oppose a utility’s expansion plans, while moderate NGOs negotiate with the company. After the confrontational campaign raises pressure, the moderates obtain major concessions. What is happening?

    • A.

      The moderates are reducing total activist power by negotiating.

    • B.

      Radical pressure is increasing demand for cooperation and the bargaining power of moderate NGOs.

    • C.

      The firm can replace radical groups entirely by funding one moderate NGO.

    • D.

      Government-created bargaining power explains the NGO concessions.

  30. Q 30.

    Nike adopts a supplier code, commissions an audit, and later suffers a leak showing toxic exposure despite the audit’s favorable public tone. Which response would best improve the firm’s credibility?

    • A.

      Publish the supplier code and avoid discussing the leaked audit because disclosure would magnify the issue.

    • B.

      Treat the formal code as sufficient proof that suppliers comply.

    • C.

      Acknowledge weaknesses, permit credible independent monitoring, remediate worker harm, and communicate transparently about progress.

    • D.

      Replace independent reviewers with managers selected from Nike’s public-relations department.

  31. Q 31.

    OnBank agrees quickly to an activist demand after a one-shot regulatory-approval decision, whereas negotiations with Citigroup continue for years. What best explains the difference?

    • A.

      The one-shot event gave activists concentrated leverage and made delay costly for OnBank.

    • B.

      Citigroup faced no social pressure because its brand was unimportant.

    • C.

      The activists possessed better technical information in the OnBank case.

    • D.

      Citigroup’s management believed negotiation was unethical.

  32. Q 32.

    Shell defended the Brent Spar decision with technical studies and government approval but had not consulted environmental NGOs; decentralized units then communicated inconsistently. What is the central lesson?

    • A.

      Scientific correctness is sufficient to defeat a powerful media frame.

    • B.

      Government approval prevents activist campaigns from acquiring legitimacy.

    • C.

      The company should have relied more heavily on paid advertising rather than public engagement.

    • D.

      The firm should have consulted NGOs early, addressed the simple public frame directly, and centralized global issue management and communication.

  33. Q 33.

    Which situation best meets the chapter’s definition of a crisis?

    • A.

      An unsubstantiated rumor about a company logo, with no evidence of present or impending harm.

    • B.

      A food batch is linked to illnesses, the facts remain incomplete, and the situation is escalating rapidly while serious harm is occurring.

    • C.

      A company pays a routine regulatory fine for a minor paperwork violation discovered years earlier.

    • D.

      Consumers dislike a product’s new package, but no one is harmed and the firm can respond through ordinary marketing.

  34. Q 34.

    A firm discovers contaminated ingredients, reports spread online, the company and regulators announce a recall, and the hazard is ultimately removed and victims compensated. What is the correct crisis-life-cycle sequence?

    • A.

      Escalation, identification, resolution, intervention

    • B.

      Resolution, preparedness, identification, intervention

    • C.

      Identification, escalation, intervention, resolution

    • D.

      Avoidance, identification, escalation, rectification

  35. Q 35.

    Which statement correctly represents the five-component crisis-management framework and the structure of response?

    • A.

      Avoidance, preparedness, root-cause analysis, response, and resolution; response itself combines rectification with communication.

    • B.

      Identification, escalation, intervention, and resolution; response is primarily a media-advertising function.

    • C.

      Preparedness, escalation, compensation, reputation, and litigation; communication replaces rectification.

    • D.

      Avoidance, pricing, advertising, insurance, and resolution; root-cause analysis occurs after resolution.

  36. Q 36.

    A refinery safety report predicts that a major incident will probably kill someone within a year or two, but cost-cutting executives disregard it. Six years later an explosion kills fifteen workers. Which lesson about avoidance is strongest?

    • A.

      Audits are useful only after an accident, because earlier warnings are always too uncertain.

    • B.

      Insurance is the primary tool for reducing the probability of a refinery explosion.

    • C.

      Once a warning is documented, the firm no longer has responsibility for acting on it.

    • D.

      Avoidance requires risk audits to be acted upon because prevention of harm is the most important crisis-management component.

  37. Q 37.

    Which package most strongly represents effective crisis preparedness?

    • A.

      A large public-relations department, several authorized spokespeople, and a general promise to improvise.

    • B.

      A crisis team, one informed spokesperson, scenario exercises, earmarked resources, organizational learning, and insurance for covered direct harm.

    • C.

      Scenario exercises, but no preassigned spokesperson so senior leaders can decide during the crisis.

    • D.

      Earmarked resources and contractors, but no prior scenarios because realistic simulations create unrealistic expectations.

  38. Q 38.

    After a rogue trader at Société Générale causes major losses, what is the most appropriate root-cause conclusion?

    • A.

      The only cause was one dishonest employee, so firing that person fully resolves the crisis.

    • B.

      The crisis was caused primarily by hostile media coverage after controls were adequate.

    • C.

      Flawed supervision and control of trading allowed the misconduct to occur and go undetected.

    • D.

      Financial markets were the root cause, so no internal reform is necessary.

  39. Q 39.

    Managers know that contamination has occurred but cannot initially identify the source or the affected parties. How should the four I’s be used?

    • A.

      Map the issues, interested parties, institutions, and information before settling on a root-cause hypothesis and remedy.

    • B.

      Use institutions first to choose a spokesperson, then stop investigating because the list of parties is complete.

    • C.

      List only immediate shareholders as interested parties, excluding customers and regulators.

    • D.

      Use available information to close the investigation even when it has not been independently verified.

  40. Q 40.

    Tylenol capsules are found to have been tampered with after leaving the manufacturer, and the affected packages cannot be reliably confined to one city. What rectification is most appropriate?

    • A.

      Recall only packages bearing a particular lot number.

    • B.

      Recall nothing because tampering occurred after the product left the company.

    • C.

      Wait until regulators order a recall so the company avoids taking independent action.

    • D.

      Conduct a nationwide recall because the product-wide risk cannot be reliably confined.

  41. Q 41.

    Surveillance video shows that an outsider planted a syringe in Pepsi, and the FDA supports the investigation. Why was no product recall the appropriate response?

    • A.

      Any public concern necessarily proves that the product itself is unsafe.

    • B.

      The firm communicated promptly, showed the production process, involved authorities, and used independent evidence to establish that the claim was fabricated.

    • C.

      The company waited until consumer arrests were complete before responding.

    • D.

      The FDA required PepsiCo to conceal the incident to protect its brand.

  42. Q 42.

    A firm conducts a nationwide recall but gives no explanation, while another firm issues excellent statements but leaves the unsafe product available. What does the response framework conclude?

    • A.

      Communication is sufficient because stakeholders mainly judge a firm by its words.

    • B.

      Rectification is sufficient because corrective action automatically restores trust.

    • C.

      Both cases are incomplete because effective response requires rectification and communication together.

    • D.

      Only media relations matters; government coordination and victim assistance are optional.

  43. Q 43.

    Which combination most closely reflects the chapter’s criteria for effective crisis communication?

    • A.

      Truthful and concerned statements that acknowledge responsibility, apologize, explain corrective action, and receive independent corroboration.

    • B.

      A forceful denial of all responsibility delivered by several senior executives within minutes.

    • C.

      A promise to restore normal operations while deliberately withholding the known scale of the harm.

    • D.

      A spokesperson who minimizes the event to protect short-term stock performance.

  44. Q 44.

    Johnson & Johnson gains lasting goodwill from its Tylenol response, but later quality failures and a quiet off-shelf purchase of Motrin undermine that reputation. Which concept best explains the reversal?

    • A.

      Agenda setting can make every subsequent corporate announcement more credible.

    • B.

      A firm’s reputation depends only on its most recent favorable news event.

    • C.

      Positive reputation is accumulated primarily through insurance payments.

    • D.

      The trust account can be depleted by later violations, and negative events generally weigh more heavily than positive ones.

  45. Q 45.

    After a Gulf oil spill, vivid images of oiled birds and a live wellhead gusher appear on television. Activists and congressional officials then intensify their demands. Which mechanism best connects the images to escalation?

    • A.

      The images guarantee that the firm caused the spill, making further investigation unnecessary.

    • B.

      High-significance imagery raises audience interest and encourages advocacy-oriented coverage, which recruits activists and officials into a self-reinforcing cycle.

    • C.

      The firm’s root cause is established solely by the visual appeal of the footage.

    • D.

      The public’s perception becomes irrelevant once the media release dramatic images.

  46. Q 46.

    Blogs and social media have expanded the number of available sources, but no company or activist can automatically control how an issue is treated. Which conclusion best preserves Baron’s media-coverage framework in this environment?

    • A.

      Because firms can publish directly, intrinsic audience interest no longer matters; the company with the fastest blog becomes the agenda setter.

    • B.

      Online distribution eliminates the distinction between coverage and treatment because repeated sharing is a form of neutral factual reporting.

    • C.

      Digital media broaden sourcing and accelerate amplification, while coverage still depends mainly on audience interest and treatment mainly on societal significance; newsworthiness and speed influence how rapidly issues migrate.

    • D.

      Citizen reporting guarantees balance because every participant can publish a counterclaim, making news organizations irrelevant to verification and framing.

  47. Q 47.

    Before a binding city ordinance is enacted, an NGO threatens a consumer boycott. A national restaurant chain voluntarily changes the ingredients in its children’s meals. Which response category describes the chain’s action most precisely?

    • A.

      Public politics, because the company’s objective is to influence a government decision.

    • B.

      A corporate campaign, because the chain is changing its practices in response to an outside organization.

    • C.

      Self-regulation, because the firm voluntarily limits its behavior to reduce campaign pressure or the risk of stronger government regulation.

    • D.

      Cooperative engagement, because responding to an NGO’s demands automatically establishes a partnership and provides external legitimacy.

  48. Q 48.

    Because public trust in NGOs exceeds trust in companies, a manufacturer proposes giving an NGO sole authority to formulate safety rules, investigate managers, and impose discipline. Which governance choice best reflects external legitimacy without abandoning accountability?

    • A.

      Transfer all authority to the NGO because its greater public trust makes it more legitimate than the manufacturer.

    • B.

      Allow the NGO to set standards but keep its findings secret so that confidential problems do not damage the firm’s reputation.

    • C.

      Reject all outside review because only the company can be held legally responsible for its own operations.

    • D.

      Use the NGO’s expertise and independent inspections with public findings, while retaining legal and board-level accountability for implementation and enforcement.

  49. Q 49.

    Internal records show that a product-safety executive knowingly overrode warnings before customers were poisoned. Regulators and independent investigators can obtain the evidence, and punitive damages are likely if leadership acknowledges deliberate disregard. Which course best follows crisis response?

    • A.

      Make no statement about responsibility until liability is settled, limiting communication to neutral product information.

    • B.

      Describe the event as an accident and emphasize that a lower-level manager violated company policy.

    • C.

      Coordinate with counsel while acknowledging the documented safety failure, apologizing, rectifying and compensating victims, and communicating through one informed spokesperson with independent corroboration.

    • D.

      Resume marketing as soon as production stops, even if root-cause analysis and control changes are not yet complete.

  50. Q 50.

    Consumers claim that an automaker’s electronic accelerator causes uncontrolled acceleration. Early engineering tests find no design defect, but the allegation remains compelling to consumers and politicians, prompting recall demands and a sales collapse. Which diagnosis and response are most appropriate?

    • A.

      No meaningful crisis exists until a defect is proven, so the firm should ignore the allegation until public attention disappears.

    • B.

      Publishing a technical report is sufficient because disproving the allegation will automatically restore consumer trust.

    • C.

      Attack the accusers and immediately pursue litigation because disproving the claim eliminates reputational consequences.

    • D.

      Recognize that facts and perception have diverged; present evidence promptly, seek independent corroboration, continue testing, remedy any defect found, and avoid promotional returns until safety is credibly established.

Answers and explanations are in mode.